Reading section 16

[Footnote 248: Voyages are still regularly made in dhows between the west coast of India and Zanzibar or Mombasa and the trade appears to be old.]

[Footnote 249: See Jâtaka 339 for the voyage to Baveru or Babylon. Jâtakas 360 and 442 mention voyages to Suvaṇṇabhûmi or Lower Burma from Bharukaccha and from Benares down the river. The Milinda Pañha (VI. 21) alludes to traffic with China by sea.]

[Footnote 250: Râm. iv. 40, 30.]

[Footnote 251: Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 254. The Western and Eastern Tsin reigned from 265 to 419 A.D.]

[Footnote 252: Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 254. Most of the references to Chinese annals are taken from this valuable paper.]

[Footnote 253: The inscription of Mi-son relates how Kauṇḍinya planted at Bharapura (? in Camboja) a javelin given to him by Aśvatthâman.]

[Footnote 254: This is the modern reading of the characters in Peking, but Julien's _Méthode_ justifies the transcription Kau-ḍi-nya.]

[Footnote 255: See S. Lévi in _Mélanges Charles de Harlez_, p. 176. Deux peuples méconnus. i. Les Murunḍas.]

[Footnote 256: _Nanjio Catalogue_, p. 422.]

[Footnote 257: I-Tsing, trans. Takakusu, p. 12.]

[Footnote 258: _Corpus_, I. p. 65.]

[Footnote 259: _Corpus_, I. pp. 84, 89, 90, and _Jour. Asiatique_, 1882, p. 152.]

[Footnote 260: When visiting Badami, Paṭṭadkal and Aihole in 1912 I noted the following resemblances between the temples of that district and those of Camboja. (_a_) The chief figures are Harihara, Vâmana and Nṛisiṃha. At Paṭṭadkal, as at Angkor Wat, the reliefs on the temple wall represent the Churning of the Sea and scenes from the Râmâyana. (_b_) Large blocks of stone were used for building and after being put in their positions were carved _in situ_, as is shown by unfinished work in places. (_c_) Medallions containing faces are frequent. (_d_) The architectural scheme is not as in Dravidian temples, that is to say larger outside and becoming smaller as one proceeds towards the interior. There is generally a central tower attached to a hall. (_e_) The temples are often raised on a basement. (_f_) Mukhalingas and kośhas are still used in worship. (_g_) There are verandahs resembling those at Angkor Wat. They have sloping stone roofs, sculptures in relief on the inside wall and a series of windows in the outside wall. (_h_) The doors of the Linga shrines have a serpentine ornamentation and are very like those of the Bayon. (_i_) A native gentleman told me that he had seen temples with five towers in this neighbourhood, but I have not seen them myself.]

[Footnote 261: _E.g._ Mahendravarman, Narasinhavarman, Parameśvaravarman, etc. It may be noticed that Paṭṭadkal is considerably to the N.W. of Madras and that the Pallavas are supposed to have come from the northern part of the present Madras Presidency. Though the Hindus who emigrated to Camboja probably embarked in the neighbourhood of Madras, they may have come from countries much further to the north. Varman is recognized as a proper termination of Kshatriya names, but it is remarkable that it is found in _all_ the Sanskrit names of Cambojan kings and is very common in Pallava names. The name of Aśvatthâman figures in the mythical genealogies of both the Pallavas and the kings of Champa or perhaps of Camboja, see _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 923.]

[Footnote 262: Some authorities think that Kaundinya is meant by the wicked king, but he lived about 300 years before I-Ching's visit and the language seems to refer to more recent events. Although Bhavavarman is not known to have been a religious innovator he appears to have established a new order of things in Camboja and his inscriptions show that he was a zealous worshipper of Śiva and other Indian deities. It would be even more natural if I-Ching referred to Iśânavarman (c. 615) or Jayavarman I (c. 650), but there is no proof that these kings were anti-buddhist.]

[Footnote 263: Schiefner, p. 262.]

[Footnote 264: See Maspéro, _L'Empire Khmèr_, pp. 24 ff.]

[Footnote 265: Perhaps a second Bhavavarman came between these last two kings; see Coedès in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p 691.]

[Footnote 266: See Mecquenem in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1913, No. 2.]

[Footnote 267: But the captivity is only an inference and not a necessary one. Finot suggests that the ancient royal house of Fu-nan may have resided at Javâ and have claimed suzerain rights over Camboja which Jayavarman somehow abolished. The only clear statements on the question are those in the Sdok Kak Thom inscription, Khmer text c. 72, which tell us that Camboja had been dependent on Javâ and that Jayavarman II instituted a special state cult as a sign that this dependence had come to an end.

It is true that the Hindu colonists of Camboja may have come from the island of Java, yet no evidence supports the idea that Camboja was a dependency of the island about 800 A.D. and the inscriptions of Champa seem to distinguish clearly between Yavadvîpa (the island) and the unknown country called Javâ. See Finot, _Notes d'Epig._ pp. 48 and 240. Hence it seems unlikely that the barbarous pirates (called the armies of Java) who invaded Champa in 787 (see the inscription of Yang Tikuh) were from the island. The Siamese inscription of Râma Khomhëng, c. 1300 A.D., speaks of a place called Chavâ, which may be Luang Prabang. On the other hand it does not seem likely that pirates, expressly described as using ships, would have come from the interior.]

[Footnote 268: For these annals see F. Garnier, "La Chronique royale du Cambodje," _J.A._ 1871 and 1872. A. de Villemereuil, _Explorations et Missions de Doudard de Lagrée_, 1882. J. Moura, _Le Royaume de Cambodje_, vol. II. 1883. E. Aymonier, _Chronique des Anciens rois du Cambodje. (Excursions et reconnaissances_. Saigon, 1881.)]

[Footnote 269: _E.g._ Ang Chan (1796-1834) received his crown from the King of Siam and paid tribute to the King of Annam; Ang Duong (1846-1859) was crowned by representatives of Annam and Siam and his territory was occupied by the troops of both countries.]

[Footnote 270: The later history of Camboja is treated in considerable detail by A. Leclerc, _Histoire de Cambodge_, 1914.]

[Footnote 271: Inscrip. of Moroun, _Corpus_, II. 387.]

[Footnote 272: Other local deities may be alluded to, under the names of Śrî Jayakshetra, "the field of victory" adored at Basset Simâdamataka, Śrî Mandareśvara, and Śrî Jalangeśvara. Aymonier, II. p. 297; I. pp. 305, 306 and 327.]

[Footnote 273: Inscrip. of Lovek.]

[Footnote 274: Prea Eynkosey, 970 A.D. See _Corpus_, I. pp. 77 ff.]

[Footnote 275: This compound deity is celebrated in the Harivamsa and is represented in the sculptures of the rock temple at Badami, which is dated 578 A.D. Thus his worship may easily have reached Camboja in the sixth or seventh century.]

[Footnote 276: Jayato jagatâm bhûtyai Kritasandhî Harâcyutau, Parvatîśrîpatitvena Bhinnamûrttidharâvapi. See also the Inscrip. of Ang Chumnik (667 A.D.), verses 11 and 12 in _Corpus_, I. p. 67.]

[Footnote 277: The Bayang Inscription, _Corpus_, I. pp. 31 ff. which mentions the dates 604 and 626 as recent.]

[Footnote 278: _Corpus_, II. p. 422 Śaivapaśupatâcâryyau. The inscription fixes the relative rank of various Acâryas.]

[Footnote 279: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1906, p. 70.]

[Footnote 280: See specially on this subject, Coedès in _Bull. Comm. Archéol. de l'Indochine_, 1911, p. 38, and 1913, p. 81, and the letterpress of _Le Bayon d'Angkor Thorn_, 1914.]

[Footnote 281: I have seen myself a stone lingam carved with four faces in a tank belonging to a temple at Maḥakut not far from Badami.]

[Footnote 282: Suvarṇamayalingagateśvare te sûkshmântarâtmani. Inscrip. of Prea Ngouk, _Corpus_, I. p. 157.]

[Footnote 283: _E.g._ see _Epig. Indica_, vol. III. pp. 1 ff. At Paṭṭadkal (which region offers so many points of resemblance to Camboja) King Vijayâditya founded a temple of Vijayeśvara and two Queens, Lokamahâdevî and Trailokyamahâdevî founded temples of Lokeśvara and Trailokyeśvara.]

[Footnote 284: Aymonier, II. pp. 257 ff. and especially Finot in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1915, xv. 2, p. 53.]

[Footnote 285: See above.]

[Footnote 286: Sammohana and Niruttara are given as names of Tantras. The former word may perhaps be the beginning of a compound. There are Pali works called Sammohavinodinî and S. vinâśinî. The inscription calls the four treatises the four faces of Tumburn.]

[Footnote 287: This shows that matriarchy must have been in force in Camboja.]

[Footnote 288: Jânapada as the name of a locality is cited by Böthlingck and Roth from the Gaṇa to Pâniṇi, 4. 2. 82.]

[Footnote 289: Possibly others may have held office during this long period, but evidently all three priests lived to be very old men and each may have been Guru for forty years.]

[Footnote 290: This place which means merely "the abode of Hari and Hara" has not been identified.]

[Footnote 291: _Corpus_, II. Inscrip. lvi. especially pp. 248-251.]

[Footnote 292: Veal Kantel. _Corpus_, I. p. 28.]

[Footnote 293: Inscr. of Prah Khan, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 675.]

[Footnote 294: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 677.]

[Footnote 295: Just as a Vedic sacrifice was performed in the court of the temple of Chidambaram about 1908.]

[Footnote 296: Aymonier, _Cambodja_, I. p. 442.]

[Footnote 297: Śâstâ sounds like a title of Śâkyamuni, but, if Aymonier is correct, the personage is described as a Bodhisattva. There were pagoda slaves even in modern Burma.]

[Footnote 298: See Coedès, "La Stèle de Tép Praṇaṃ," in _J.A._ XI. 1908, p. 203.]

[Footnote 299: Inscrip. of Ta Prohm, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1906, p. 44.]

[Footnote 300: See Senart in _Revue Archéologique_, 1883. As in many inscriptions it is not always plain who is speaking but in most parts it is apparently the minister promulgating the instructions of the king.]

[Footnote 301: Inscript. of Prasat Prah Khse, _Corpus_, I. p. 173.]

[Footnote 302: Buddhânâm agraṇîr api, _J.A._ XX. 1882, p. 164.]

[Footnote 303: See Coedès, "Inscriptions de Bàt Cuṃ," in _J.A._ XII. 1908, pp. 230, 241.]

[Footnote 304: The Bodhisattva corresponding to the Buddha Akshobhya. He is green or blue and carries a thunderbolt. It seems probable that he is a metamorphosis of Indra.]

[Footnote 305: An exceedingly curious stanza eulogizes the doctrine of the non-existence of the soul taught by the Buddha which leads to identification with the universal soul although contrary to it. Vuddho vodhîm vidaddhyâd vo yena nairâtmyadarśanaṃ viruddhasyâpi sâdhûktaṃ sâdhanaṃ paramâtmanaḥ.]

[Footnote 306: Aymonier, I pp. 261 ff. Senart, _Revue Archéologique_, Mars-Avril, 1883.]