Reading section 18

An inscription[354] of 811 A.D. celebrates the dual deity Śankara-Nârâyaṇa. It is noticeable that Nârâyaṇa is said to have held up Mt. Govardhana and is apparently identified with Kṛishṇa. Râma and Kṛishṇa are both mentioned in an inscription of 1157 which states that the whole divinity of Vishṇu was incarnate in King Jaya Harivarman I[355]. But neither allusions to Vishṇu nor figures of him[356] are numerous and he plays the part of an accessory though respected personage. Garuḍa, on whom he rides, was better known than the god himself and is frequently represented in sculpture.

The Śakti of Śiva, amalgamated as mentioned with a native goddess, received great honour (especially at Nhatrang) under the names of Umâ, Bhagavatî, the Lady of the city (Yang Po Nagar) and the goddess of Kauthâra. In another form or aspect she was called Maladâkuṭhâra.[357] There was also a temple of Ganeśa (Śri-Vinâyaka) at Nhatrang but statues of this deity and of Skanda are rare.

The Chinese pilgrim I-Ching, writing in the last year of the seventh century, includes Champa (Lin-I) in the list of countries which "greatly reverence the three jewels" and contrasts it with Fu-nan where a wicked king had recently almost exterminated Buddhism. He says "In this country Buddhists generally belong to the Arya-sammiti school, and there are also a few followers of the Aryasarvâstivâdin school." The statement is remarkable, for he also tells us that the Sarvâstivâdins were the predominant sect in the Malay Archipelago and flourished in southern China. The headquarters of the Sammitîyas were, according to the accounts of both Hsüan Chuang and I-Ching, in western India though, like the three other schools, they were also found in Magadha and eastern India. We also hear that the brother and sister of the Emperor Harsha belonged to this sect and it was probably influential. How it spread to Champa we do not know, nor do the inscriptions mention its name or indicate that the Buddhism which they knew was anything but the mixture of the Mahayana with Śivaism[358] which prevailed in Camboja.

I-Ching's statements can hardly be interpreted to mean that Buddhism was the official religion of Champa at any rate after 400 A.D., for the inscriptions abundantly prove that the Śivaite shrines of Mi-son and Po-nagar were so to speak national cathedrals where the kings worshipped on behalf of the country. But the Vo-can inscription (? 250 A.D.), though it does not mention Buddhism, appears to be Buddhist, and it would be quite natural that a dynasty founded about 150 A.D. should be Buddhist but that intercourse with Camboja and probably with India should strengthen Śivaism. The Chinese annals mention[359] that 1350 Buddhist books were carried off during a Chinese invasion in 605 A.D. and this allusion implies the existence of Buddhism and monasteries with libraries. As in Camboja it was perhaps followed by ministers rather than by kings. An inscription found[360] in southern Champa and dated as 829 A.D. records how a sthavira named Buddhanirvâṇa erected two vihâras and two temples (devakula) to Jina and Śankara (Buddha and Śiva) in honour of his deceased father. Shortly afterwards there came to the throne Indravarman II (860-890 A.D.), the only king of Champa who is known to have been a fervent Buddhist. He did not fail to honour Śiva as the patron of his kingdom but like Asoka he was an enthusiast for the Dharma[361]. He desires the knowledge of the Dharma: he builds monasteries for the sake of the Dharma: he wishes to propagate it: he even says that the king of the gods governs heaven by the principles of Dharma. He wishes to lead all his subjects to the "yoke and abode of Buddha," to "the city of deliverance."

To this end he founded the vihâra of Dong Duong, already described, and dedicated it to Śri Lakshmîndra Lokeśvara[362]. This last word is a synonym of Avalokita, which also occurs in the dedicatory inscription but in a fragmentary passage. Lakshmîndra is explained by other passages in the inscription from which we learn that the king's name before he ascended the throne was Lakshmîndra Bhûmîśvara, so that the Bodhisattva is here adored under the name of the king who erected the vihâra according to the custom prevalent in Śivaite temples. Like those temples this vihâra received an endowment of land and slaves of both sexes, as well as gold, silver and other metals[363].

A king who reigned from 1080 to 1086 was called Paramabodhisattva, but no further epigraphic records of Buddhism are known until the reigns of Jaya Indravarmadeva (1167-1192) and his successor Sûryavarmadeva[364]. Both of these monarchs, while worshipping Śiva, are described as knowing or practising the jñâna or dharma of the Mahayana. Little emphasis seems to be laid on these expressions but still they imply that the Mahayana was respected and considered part of the royal religion. Sûryavarmadeva erected a building called Śrî Herukaharmya[365]. The title is interesting for it contains the name of the Tantric Buddha Heruka.

The grotto of Phong-nha[366] in the extreme north of Champa (province of Quang Binh) must have been a Buddhist shrine. Numerous medallions in clay bearing representations of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and Dagobas have been found there but dates are wanting.

It does not appear that the Hinayanist influence which became predominant in Camboja extended to Champa. That influence came from Siam and before it had time to traverse Camboja, Champa was already in the grip of the Annamites, whose religion with the rest of their civilization came from China rather than India. Chinese culture and writing spread to the Cambojan frontier and after the decay of Champa, Camboja marks the permanent limit within which an Indian alphabet and a form of Buddhism not derived through China have maintained themselves.

A large number of the Chams were converted to Mohammedanism but the time and circumstances of the event are unknown. When Friar Gabriel visited the country at the end of the sixteenth century a form of Hinduism seems to have been still prevalent[367]. It would be of interest to know how the change of religion was effected, for history repeats itself and it is likely that the Moslims arrived in Champa by the route followed centuries before by the Hindu invaders.

There are still about 130,000 Chams in the south of Annam and Camboja. In the latter country they are all Mohammedans. In Annam some traces of Hinduism remain, such as mantras in broken Sanskrit and hereditary priests called Baśaih. Both religions have become unusually corrupt but are interesting as showing how beliefs which are radically distinct become distorted and combined in Eastern Asia[368].

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 329: Also spelt Campâ and Tchampa. It seems safer to use Ch for C in names which though of Indian origin are used outside India. The final _a_ though strictly speaking long is usually written without an accent. The following are the principal works which I have consulted about Champa.

(a) G. Maspéro, _Le Royaume de Champa_. Published in _T'oung Pao_, 1910-1912. Cited as Maspéro.

(b) A. Bergaigne, "Inscriptions Sanskrites de Champa" in _Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale_, tome XXVII. 1^re partie. 2^e fascicule, 1893, pp. 181-292. Cited as _Corpus_, II.

(c) H. Parmentier, _Inventaire descriptif des Monuments Ćams de l'Annam_. 1899.

(d) L. Finot, "La Religion des Chams," _B.E.F.E.O_, 1901, and _Notes d'Epigraphie_. "Les Inscriptions de Mi-son," _ib_. 1904. Numerous other papers by this author, Durand, Parmentier and others in the same periodical can be consulted with advantage.

(e) _Id., Notes d'Epigraphie Indo-Chinoise_, 1916.]

[Footnote 330: _Corpus_, II. p. 11, and Finot, _Notes d'Epig._ pp. 227 ff.]

[Footnote 331: See authorities quoted by Maspéro, _T'oung Pao_, 1910, p. 329.]

[Footnote 332: Finot in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 918 and 922.]

[Footnote 333: _Corpus_, II. _Stêle de Po Nagar_, pp. 252 ff. and _Stêle de Yang Tikuh_, p. 208, etc.]

[Footnote 334: The statements that they came from Java and were cannibals occur in different inscriptions and may conceivably refer to two bodies of invaders. But the dates are very near. Probably Java is not the island now so called. See the chapter on Camboja, sec. 2. The undoubted references in the inscriptions of Champa to the island of Java call it Yavadvîpa.]

[Footnote 335: _Veth. Java_, I. p. 233.]

[Footnote 336: See "La Chronique Royale," _B.E.F.E.O._ 1905, p. 377.]

[Footnote 337: _Corpus_, II. p. 259. Jinendra may be a name either of the Buddha or of a grammarian. The mention of the Kâśikâ vṛitti is important as showing that this work must be anterior to the ninth century. The Uttara Kalpa is quoted in the Tantras (see Bergaigne's note), but nothing is known of it.]

[Footnote 338: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 973.]

[Footnote 339: From Mi-son, date 1157 A.D. See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 961 and 963.]

[Footnote 340: = Chinese Mei shan, beautiful mountain. For an account of the temples and their history see the articles by Parmentier and Finot, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 805-977.]

[Footnote 341: But contemporary inscriptions have been discovered. _B.E.F.E.O._ 1902, pp. 185 ff.]

[Footnote 342: Doubtless because the capital was transferred to the south where the shrine of Po-nagar had rival claims.]

[Footnote 343: See especially the article by Parmentier, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1902, pp. 17-54.]

[Footnote 344: XXVI _Corpus_, II. pp. 244, 256; date 918 A.D.]

[Footnote 345: Śivamukham: probably a mukhalinga.]

[Footnote 346: Also Yäpunagara even in Sanskrit inscriptions.]

[Footnote 347: Parmentier, _l.c._ p. 49.]

[Footnote 348: This is only a very rough description of a rather complicated structure. For details see Parmentier, _Monuments C̆ams_, planche XCVIII.]

[Footnote 349: Inscrip. at Mi-son of 658 A.D. See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 921.]

[Footnote 350: Other examples are Indrabhadreśvara, _Corpus_, II. p. 208. Harivarmeśvara, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 961.]

[Footnote 351: _E.g. B.E.F.E.O._ pp. 918 ff. Dates 658 A.D. onwards.]

[Footnote 352: Yogaddhyâna, Śivârâdha, Śivabhakti. See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 933-950. Harivarman III abdicated in 1080 and gave himself up to contemplation and devotion to Śiva.]

[Footnote 353: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 912 ff. and esp. p. 970. I have seen a kosha which is still in use in the neighbourhood of Badami. It is kept in a village called Nandikeśvara, but on certain festivals it is put on a linga at the temple of Mahakut. It is about 2 feet high and 10 inches broad; a silver case with a rounded and ornamented top. On one side is a single face in bold embossed work and bearing fine moustaches exactly as in the mukhalingas of Champa. In the tank of the temple of Mahakut is a half submerged shrine, from which rises a stone linga on which are carved four faces bearing moustaches. There is said to be a gold kosha set with jewels at Śringeri. See _J. Mythic. Society_ (Bangalore), vol. VIII. p. 27. According to Gopinatha Rao, _Indian Iconography_, vol. II. p. 63, the oldest known lingas have figures carved on them.]

[Footnote 354: _Corpus_, II. pp. 229, 230.]

[Footnote 355: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 959, 960.]

[Footnote 356: See for an account of same _B.E.F.E.O._ 1901, p. 18.]

[Footnote 357: _Corpus_, II. p. 282.]

[Footnote 358: In several passages Hsüan Chuang notes that there were Pâśupatas or other Śivaites in the same towns of India where Sammitiyas were found. See Watters, _Yüan Chwang_, I. 331, 333; II. 47, 242, 256, 258, 259.]

[Footnote 359: Maspéro, _T'oung Pao_, 1910, p. 514.]

[Footnote 360: At Yang Kur. See _Corpus_, II. pp. 237-241.]

[Footnote 361: For his views see his inscriptions in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 85 ff. But kings who are not known to have been Buddhists also speak of Dharma. _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 922, 945.]

[Footnote 362: Apparently special forms of deities such as Śrîśânabhadreśvara or Lakshmînda Lokeśvara were regarded as to some extent separate existences. Thus the former is called a portion of Śiva, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 973.]

[Footnote 363: Presumably in the form of vessels.]

[Footnote 364: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 973-975.]

[Footnote 365: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 975.]

[Footnote 366: _Ib._ 1901, p. 23, and Parmentier, _Inventaire des Monuments Chams_, p. 542.]

[Footnote 367: Gabriel de San Antonio, _Breve y verdadera relation de los successes de Reyno de Camboxa_, 1604.]

[Footnote 368: See for the modern Chams the article "Chams" in _E.R.E. and Ethics_, and Durand, "Les Chams Bani," _B.E.F.E.O._ 1903, and "Notes sur les Chams," _ib._ 1905-7.]

CHAPTER XL

JAVA AND THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO

1

In most of the countries which we have been considering, the native civilization of the present day is still Indian in origin, although in the former territories of Champa this Indian phase has been superseded by Chinese culture with a little Mohammedanism. But in another area we find three successive stages of culture, indigenous, Indian and Mohammedan. This area includes the Malay Peninsula with a large part of the Malay Archipelago, and the earliest stratum with which we need concern ourselves is Malay. The people who bear this name are remarkable for their extraordinary powers of migration by sea, as shown by the fact that languages connected with Malay are spoken in Formosa and New Zealand, in Easter Island and Madagascar, but their originality both in thought and in the arts of life is small. The three stages are seen most clearly in Java where the population was receptive and the interior accessible. Sumatra and Borneo also passed through them in a fashion but the indigenous element is still predominant and no foreign influence has been able to affect either island as a whole. Islam gained no footing in Bali which remains curiously Hindu but it reached Celebes and the southern Philippines, in both of which Indian influence was slight[369]. The destiny of south-eastern Asia with its islands depends on the fact that the tide of trade and conquest whether Hindu, Moslim or European, flowed from India or Ceylon to the Malay Peninsula and Java and thence northwards towards China with a reflux westwards in Champa and Camboja. Burma and Siam lay outside this track. They received their culture from India mainly by land and were untouched by Mohammedanism. But the Mohammedan current which affected the Malays was old and continuous. It started from Arabia in the early days of the Hijra and had nothing to do with the Moslim invasions which entered India by land.